Ambassador of Egypt to the United States speaks at the International Relations Council (Kansas City, Missouri)

20 May 2009

On May 14th, Ambassador Sameh Shoukry spoke at the International Relations' Council in Kansas, Missouri. Below is the text of the speech entitled “Challenges in the Middle East”.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It gives me great pleasure be here in Kansas City and address the International Relations Council. I would like to thank Ms. Linda Trout, the Executive Director of the Council for her efforts in organizing this event. I would also like to recognize Ms. Mary Eisenhower, the President of People to People International. Direct cultural and humanitarian exchanges among peoples of different countries often contribute to international understanding and friendship in a unique way. I thank you for kindly co-sponsoring our meeting this evening.

As some of you might know, I have been Egypt’s Ambassador to the United States since September of last year. I am keen, even this early into my tenure, not to remain confined to Washington and the often consuming politics and dynamics of the Beltway, and to extend my out reach around the States to people like yourselves who have both an interest in international relations and the ability to shape the American approach to the world.

I will share with you tonight an Egyptian perspective of the most immediate challenges facing the Middle East, a region that remains greatly important for the United States’ interests and security. Whether you are discussing securing energy sources, fighting terrorism or building bridges with the Islamic world, the Middle East will figure highly on the agenda. The United States engagement is crucial to successfully address many of these challenges, and Egypt’s regional role renders it imperative for both our countries to continue to work together towards this end.

The Middle East, more than any other region in the world today, is facing enormous and dangerous challenges. While some of these challenges are the result of long and historic unresolved conflicts, others are the product of more recent developments. In both cases, if left unresolved, these challenges have the potential of creating havoc and threatening the stability and security, not only of our region, but of the world at large, as some have already done over the last few years. One could argue and rightly so, that the Middle East has always suffered from armed conflicts and crises. However, two new elements render the current challenges in the region more threatening than ever before and call for a more serious and urgent effort to address them:

• The current challenges have increasingly become interconnected and intertwined in an unprecedented manner. Recent developments in Lebanon, Iraq and Gaza were clear manifestation of a wider conflict among a number of regional and international actors and their conflicting interests. That is not to say that these conflicts were simple to start with, but the daunting challenge of resolving them has become even more complicated.

• Globalization and inter-dependence, as well as the huge leaps in information technology and telecommunications, make it more likely that the challenges facing the Middle East will have a direct impact around the world. The price of gas is one example of how the region’s conflicts can have a direct impact on the daily life of people in the most remote areas. This makes it more urgent and necessary for the international community to come together in an effort to resolve the region’s challenges.

In my remarks tonight, I will focus on those challenges facing the Middle East that have a wide range impact on and threat to the region and beyond. I will address primarily the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in view of its centrality. I am sure our discussions in the Q&A section will be an ample opportunity to further elaborate on these and other issues that you might have on your mind.

I can not emphasize enough that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains the most pressing challenge in the Middle East. Resolving this conflict permanently and comprehensively, and establishing a contiguous, viable and sovereign Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza would first and foremost put an end to more than six decades of Palestinian suffering and displacement, and contribute significantly to the security and stability of the Middle East and the world. It is time that the region and all its people, Palestinians and Israelis, regain a sense of normalcy and dedicate themselves to shared values that unite.

Equally important in my opinion is how this conflict has shaped, and continues to shape, the perception of Middle Easterners’ towards the West, and in particular the United States. Arabs and Muslims have felt for a very long time the injustice of the policy of double standards when it comes to this particular conflict. These widely-shared feelings of injustice and hopelessness are exploited by extremists keen on expanding the rift between the Islamic world and the West. Resolving the conflict would fundamentally change the region’s psychological mind set towards the West, a goal that would enhance global harmony.

Over the last thirty years, Egypt has exerted great efforts, often in collaboration with the United States, to help both parties find the path to ending the conflict and achieving peace. This joint Egyptian American effort is needed today more than ever. We believe there is only one path to peace, and that is negotiations that ultimately lead to the two-state solution, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace. But this formula will not be available for much longer. The intentional policies of subsequent Israeli governments to change the facts on the ground through settlement expansion and demographic patterns threaten the tenants of this solution. To achieve an end to the conflict, both the Israelis and Palestinians will have to make hard compromises on the core issues of a final settlement, namely territory, security, Jerusalem and the Palestinian refugees.

What is encouraging is the fact that after years of peace talks and many rounds of negotiations since the Oslo Agreements were signed in 1993, the general contours of such a final settlement have become widely-recognized:

 • The border of the Palestinian state will be the June 1967 line, with minor land swaps on the basis of 1:1 ratio;

• certain arrangements will have to be made on the Palestinian side to accommodate Israel’s security concerns and provide the level of comfort needed;

• Jerusalem will be the capital of both states;

• and finally there has to be a just settlement to the plight of Palestinian refugees. What is lacking today is the political will, particularly that of Israel, to achieve such an agreement.

The roles of both the United States and Egypt can not be over-emphasized here. If left to negotiate peace on their own, the two parties will be unable to resolve the deep impediments to peace. Only the United States can play the role of a catalyst and broker to help both parties, particularly Israel, make the hard decisions needed to end the conflict once and for all. This is why we were heartened by the signals of determination from the new American administration to effectively undertake this responsibility.

We were greatly encouraged by President Obama’s forceful recommitment to the peace process and the two-state solution, and the unprecedented step of appointing a special envoy to the Middle East in his first week in office, especially someone of Senator Mitchell’s stature and experience. The greatest threat to peace right now is Israel’s settlement expansion. How can Palestinians believe that Israel is sincere in trying to end the conflict and establish a Palestinian state through negotiations when it is systematically extending settlements in territory that should comprise the land of their long-promised state.

Another threat to peace is the elusiveness of the new Israeli government regarding the two-state solution being the ultimate outcome of these negotiations. Israel’s unconditional acceptance and commitment to this internationally agreed objective is essential for any serious negotiations to take place. Although these negotiations should remain directly between both the Israelis and the Palestinians, the Arab Peace Initiative provides a regional incentive for Israel to reach a final agreement. Adopted by all Arab States for the first time in 2002, and renewed in 2007, the Initiative provides a regional framework for the closure of the conflict. It is not in itself a peace agreement, and it does not attempt to impose on Israel any outcomes for the negotiations. Rather, it promises that once these negotiations yield a final settlement accepted by both parties to the conflict, all 22 Arab states will recognize Israel, establish diplomatic relations, and work towards ensuring security for all the peoples of the Middle East.

Let me now turn to Egypt’s recent peace efforts. After the start of the Israeli attacks against Gaza, Egypt launched an initiative to bring the fighting to a halt and allow humanitarian assistance into Gaza. Working extensively with both parties, Egypt’s mediation yielded the desired objectives, and we immediately intensified our efforts to consolidate the ceasefire and allow the reopening of the crossings into Gaza to ensure that desperately needed help reaches the Palestinians. An effort that was very close to achieving its objective except for a last minute decision by Israel to make the release of its captured soldier a condition to allow the reopening of the crossings, though these two issues were being dealt with on separate tracks. In addition, Egypt hosted an international conference in early march to provide support to the reconstruction efforts in Gaza and provide urgently needed humanitarian assistance to Palestinians.

We are also working extensively to achieve reconciliation between all Palestinian factions, including Fatah and Hamas, in order to form a Palestinian government that will be acceptable to the international community, oversee the reconstruction of Gaza and prepare for presidential and legislative elections. Although the successive rounds of talks in Cairo have closed many gaps between the two parties, they are not yet in agreement on a number of critical issues concerning the new government’s program and the election law. We are determined to continue our efforts and to help the Palestinians find a working formula that serves their common interest and is conducive to the peace process.

Through all these efforts, Egypt continues to play a leading role in attempts to bring peace and security to the Middle East. We have started on this road more than thirty years ago, achieved momentous accomplishments and suffered many setbacks, but are determined to continue till the objectives we were set to achieve are fully realized. We believe that the United States has a responsibility and interest in achieving these goals, and as always we stand ready to engage fully with our friends in Washington in this endeavor.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Before I conclude, let me quickly touch upon another challenge facing the Middle East, and that is regional security and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Egypt has been working aggressively since 1974 to free the region from nuclear weapons, and has launched an initiative in 1990 to establish a zone free of all weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. A goal that we hope the international community will weigh in to make a reality in the interest of peace and security in the region. We have also emphasized that any regional security arrangements should be inclusive with the participation of all regional players.

In this context, Iran’s regional ambitions are causing a considerable level of concern and anxiety throughout the region. There are increasing indications of Iranian efforts to adversely influence the state of affairs in the Arab world in an effort to serve its political aims. We strongly reject Iran’s disturbing desire to extend its influence in the region, including any attempts to acquire nuclear military capabilities. But while reiterating this position, we believe that addressing the challenge posed by Iran has to be through dialogue and diplomatic efforts. The consequences of any other alternative are highly dangerous and threaten to create unprecedented level of chaos and destruction in the region, as well as economic instability in the world.

This dialogue should be inclusive, and should not be tempted to jeopardize the interests of any regional player for the sake of reaching a deal with Iran. No country in the region wants to see Iran acquire nuclear military capabilities. But at the same time, it is unacceptable to deprive any country from its rights as stipulated in the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), particularly if this country has accepted the commitments of the treaty and joined the rest of the international community in acceding to it and abiding by its rules including in the field of verification. Dealing with the Iranian nuclear program provides the international community, and in particular the United States, anew with an opportunity to help reshape the views of Middle Easterners towards the West. Countries in the region have long complained of and warned against Israel’s nuclear capabilities, particularly that Israel, along with two other countries only, remain outside the NPT regime and its nuclear facilities remain beyond the scope of the inspection activities of the IAEA.

Let me be quite clear. We don’t want any country in the Middle East to acquire nuclear military capabilities, and we don’t want any country in the region to remain outside the NPT. But the international community should apply a single standard in dealing with this issue. This is even more important so as to maintain the credibility of the NPT and its effectiveness.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me conclude by addressing the Egyptian American relations and the role of both countries in dealing with regional and global challenges. The United States as a global power with a wide range of interests in the Middle East and beyond will remain keenly engaged in developing its relations with Egypt in order to safeguard its long term interests in the region. These interests are deeply rooted in its special responsibility and capability to pursue global harmony and cooperation. To show leadership in pursuing a global order based on cooperation and respect for universal rights. To defuse tensions and resolve critical regional conflicts through which extremism and terror stem.

In pursuing these interests, long-established and well tested friendships like those that exist between the United States and Egypt will be pivotal. On Egypt’s part, its political and cultural influence in the Middle East is longstanding. Its population is well skilled, young and comprises at 80 million around a quarter of the total Arab population. This undoubtedly enhances its leadership role in the Middle East, thereby providing the U.S. a strong proponent to advance common policies and objectives in the region. In addition, Egypt’s geo-strategic location and the Suez Canal can not be overlooked by the U.S. or replaced. Since the re-establishment of our diplomatic relations more than three decades ago, Egyptian American cooperation has been, and continues to be central in the efforts to bring peace, stability development and modernization to the Middle East. This has remained the cornerstone on which Egyptian US relations were predicated. We expect these common goals will continue to guide and motivate our relationship well into the future.

In this vein, we are greatly encouraged that both President Mubarak and President Obama will have the chance over the next couple of weeks to meet twice, first in Washington and then in Cairo. Their discussions will revolve around how best both countries can work together in addressing the challenges that threaten stability and security in the Middle East, and strengthening our strategic relationship. We feel strongly that the upcoming visits and the deep willingness of both parties to enhance their cooperation and expand it will serve our mutual interests and common objectives.

Similarly, we are especially heartened to welcome President Obama in Cairo in early June to deliver a speech to address the Muslim world. The decision to select Egypt as a venue for this historic occasion comes in recognition of its long history and contribution to civilization and human development, and its leadership role and moderating influence in the region. Egypt has been for centuries a major seat of Islamic learning and an influential center of moderation among Arabs and Muslims. President Obama’s unprecedented initiative offers a unique opportunity to deepen America’s engagement with the Arab and Muslim world. The mere promise of this speech by the American president, as well as the various positive and welcomed signals since the election of President Obama has already generated a great deal of good will towards the United States in the Middle East.

In this atmosphere, the Egyptian American alliance can serve as a major catalyst in promoting better cooperation and understanding between the two sides. Ladies and Gentlemen, In conclusion, let me emphasize that our partnership is strong. It has been tested by regional tensions and crises. It has withstood numerous challenges. More importantly, it has proven its worth in influencing the course of regional events towards a more positive direction. Our steadfast attachment to this partnership is therefore an investment in our future and the future of our region for many generations to come.

It is my firm conviction that both countries possess the wisdom and the foresight to realize that future.

Thank you.